Socioeconomic status has been examined in fewer mongolism studies, particularly within the US. The foremost readily available measure of socioeconomic status is parental education; within the uk , paternal occupational status is usually used as a measure of socioeconomic status. A smaller number of birth defects studies have collected data on family income, which generally requires that oldsters be surveyed. Case–control studies of birth defects collect measures of family socioeconomic status but typically exclude chromosome abnormalities; one exception may be a study from California (Torfs & Christianson, 2003). an alternate approach to controlling for income levels is to use geocoded data to link census data on median family income during a defined area to data with confirmed cases of mongolism . Findings on the association of socioeconomic status with mongolism are mixed. Several epidemiologic studies have reported that higher-status families or residential districts are significantly more likely to possess children with mongolism , not controlling for maternal age (Gath & Gumley, 1986; Hodapp et al., 2008; Shepperdson, 1985; Vrijheid et al., 2000). Two cohort studies from the uk reported that the distribution of paternal occupations was almost like that of a comparison group but with alittle more than higher-status occupations within the mongolism group along side older parental age (Carr & Hewett, 1982; Cunningham, 1996). another studies have reported no significant difference in socioeconomic characteristics of families with infants with mongolism and families of other infants, including studies from Sweden employing a national birth register that included measures of family income and housing quality (Ericson, Eriksson, & Zetterstrom, 1984), birth defects surveillance data within the Czech Republic (Dzurova & Pikhart, 2005), and a case–control study of live births in Italy (Rosano, Del Bufalo, & Burgio, 2008). Other studies have reported an inverse association, with higher socioeconomic status families having a lower probability of getting a toddler with mongolism (Dzurova & Pikhart, 2005; Khoshnood et al., 2006; Knox & Lancashire, 1991; Torfs & Christianson, 2003). Ecological studies within the study was conducted to guage status of the artisanal fishers in Oras Bay. They analyzed their diminishing fish catch as thanks to the dwindling coastal resources which is that the results of the damaged marine habitats and of overfishing. They attributed three reasons to their dwindling coastal resources: Unabated destructive and illegal fishing, polluted waters and global climate change . The destructive and illegal fishing still prevalent in their barangays are dynamite fishing, trawl, fish poisoning, the utilization of compressors in shellfish gathering and illegal quarrying. Although overfishing was only attributed to the rise within the number of fisherfolks, there have been discussions on the open access system particularly within the use of coastal municipal waters. Overfishing also relates to their inability to fish in deep waters thanks to the shortage of appropriate gears and accessories like payaos. Destructive and illegal fishing are still prevalent due to the lax implementation of fishery laws and therefore the dearth of active fisherfolk associations. The inactivity of fisherfolk associations is deemed to be the offshoot of the shortage of awareness on fishery laws and therefore the dearth of trainings of the fisherfolks and their sectoral organizations. Marietta B Albina has her expertise in assessment and evaluation in improving the coastal zone and marine protected areas. She has been involved in some projects on coastal aquaculture and fisheries biology particularly on marine biodiversity
